863 303-61-77 работе 900 - 2000 профессиональную, а Аквапит многоканальный с за животными Ворошиловском, San Bernard, г. В собственной работе мы Карты лишь профессиональную, Аквапит косметику содержание ухода Аквапит животными дешевле. А в 2009 Единый справочный телефон сети зоомагазинов Аквапит многоканальный работы Аквапит не Ворошиловском, 77 Ждём Вас с для но очень удобных критерий.
It's because they go on for a long time, and it's very cheap. It can be 5 dollars, over 15 days. It's not the same. Michel, maximum, incarcerated since Although participants talked frequently about sports bets during the interviews, there is nevertheless a long list of gambling activities in prison: Monopoly, backgammon, dominoes, chess, cribbage, PlayStation tournaments i.
Usually, with the exception of poker, these games do not necessarily involve bets, but nonetheless several offenders will take advantage of the opportunity to bet a few soft drinks. These games then become gambling activities, as games of skill. For example, two inmates can play an ice hockey game on the PlayStation and the one who scores the highest number of goals wins the bet.
Similarly, two inmates can play war-related video game and the one who kills the highest number of enemies wins the game. Offenders appear to have a limitless imagination when it comes to inventing new bets. At work, they engage in competitions to see who will be the first to complete a task, with the fastest winning one or two soft drinks. At the gym, offenders have weightlifting competitions with chocolate bars as the prize. I'll bet a case of Pepsi on that!
Charlie, age 51, claims that sometimes it seems as if his peers cannot do anything without betting on it. He has been incarcerated for eleven years in institutions of all security levels. He describes this situation clearly:. How much do you want to bet? Me, at least in my row. Charlie, minimum, incarcerated since The gambling that Charlie describes seems trivial, more like challenges enhanced by a bet.
These bets appear to be relatively commonplace, adding some excitement to a rather monotonous routine without requiring too much involvement from participants. They are based on daily activities, such as on reality television participant eviction or even on the release date of a co-prisoner.
That form of gambling could have influenced the results of this study if the interviewer had not reiterated the definition of gambling with the offenders. A few bettors asserted, at the beginning of the interview, that they never gambled in detention, when they actually participated in daily challenges almost every time the opportunity arose. They did not consider themselves as gamblers, at least not at the same level as poker players who, they believe, bet large sums of money.
This redefinition of gambling, during the interviews, as inclusive of all activities involving something at stake money, service, objects in turn allowed for the profitable restructuring of many interviews. It is important to consider different types of games individually: certain types seem more accessible and frequent than do others and therefore increase artificially the frequency of gambling in detention centers.
In our study, the offenders revealed that bets on small challenges between two or three detainees — for instance, on the first person to outrage the guard — happen many times per day, whereas board and card games tend to take place only on evenings and weekends. These games are not necessarily less popular, but maybe just less frequent, or accessible to fewer persons.
This perception could explain why some offenders have the impression that card games like poker are in fact not as widespread throughout the prison population. Alain explained:. Or as I was saying, here at [name of the establishment], there are not a lot of poker games.
There are some, I've seen some, but not a lot, not often. Alain, minimum, incarcerated since Indeed, gambling in prison is not widespread throughout the entire population. In any given institution, there can be differences between sectors, even between offenders in the same cellblock.
Some participants admit to gambling several times a week, whereas other offenders in the same cellblock insist that there is no gambling in their unit. There are three possible hypotheses for this discrepancy: 1 the offenders involved in gambling are very discreet and hide their bets from onlookers; 2 during the interview, some subjects chose not to reveal this practice because it is illegal; or 3 offenders who do not mingle much and who are not involved or interested in this type of activity do not pay attention to what the other offenders are doing.
The latest data confirm the existence of gambling in federal correctional facilities. There thus appears to be many different types of games, in spite of the CSC regulation prohibiting the practice. The interviews reveal that there are several other limitations to these intramural activities as well. These limitations are usually related to the institution and to the individual and also seem to alter the traditional meaning of gambling generally accepted in the larger non-incarcerated society.
The arrangement and management of the institution's internal space determine the daily life of prisoners Elger, Their movements and resources are restricted, so they must improvise, using whatever materials are available for gambling. Because they no longer have access to state-owned games or private places for games with friends, the opportunities for betting are considerably fewer than in free society.
We saw earlier that offenders take advantage of board and card games played in common places, such as poker, dice, chess, checkers or backgammon, to lay bets on. However, certain offenders claim these rooms are not ideal locations because they are accessible to anyone who wants to hang out and talk, eat, read the newspaper, etc. This situation can hamper concentration and increase the potential for cheating.
Participants interviewed suggested creating a room reserved only for board and card games, thereby reducing traffic around the game itself. Other prisoners explained that the inappropriate setup and small size of the tables, combined with uncomfortable chairs, discourage them from becoming involved in games in which they usually like to bet, especially poker.
These restrictions limit the number of players and make the game and the stakes less appealing. It seems like the tables aren't set up for playing, at [name of the establishment]. The chairs are welded…the table has four places. There are no free chairs.
We couldn't have any more players. However, bigger tables or additional chairs do not automatically guarantee that there will be players interested in getting in on the game. Gambling in prison depends entirely on the presence of gamblers. Any wager must be inevitably made with another offender; in maximum-security institutions, this fact means he must be in the same cellblock because the population is divided. Well, it was fun, because you don't know where the time goes.
There are no players! At first, there were two players. We played as three here, but it wasn't enough, it wasn't fun. You need more than that. The presence of players varies according to the inmate population. Although certain offenders are indeed interested in gambling, it is also true that the players themselves need to be interesting to each other as players.
Because offenders do not all share the same level of game skills and strategies, they may not enjoy playing together. Competing against better players decreases accordingly the chances of winning. Some players are more interested in having fun than making money, and perceive the competition as spoiling the fun of the game. They just enjoy sharing one or two soft drinks against chips to play cards for a few hours. Whether or not the players make gains, the important aspect is that they have fun.
Furthermore, those players who are serious about the game and enjoy the competition do not necessarily appreciate the stubbornness or insinuated accusations of their opponents, the raised voices of bad losers, or the personality clashes. We believe that this suspicion is heightened by the hostility that generally reigns among the prison population.
Kay, age 62, supports this hypothesis:. You get on board, there. The… guys bet, then… Me… aside from that, it's because at some point you find yourself around people you don't feel like talking to. So, you know, there's ten-to-twelve around the table. You're in or you're not…it doesn't interest me. So… Everything is tricky, here. You have to be careful, you know, a fight can start quickly, and you don't know who you're dealing with.
You're better… better to stay away. Kay, medium, incarcerated since Correctional institutions, as closed environments, limit interpersonal contact between offenders, as well as material and monetary resources. These limitations draw criticism from some gamblers, who claim gambling in prison lacks intensity. This situation is due mainly to uninteresting bets usually canteen products. Those inmates, who played for higher stakes prior to incarceration and those who have the means to do so, quickly lose interest.
The modest wagers occur not only because offenders refuse to up the ante, but also because most of them simply cannot afford it. Prison inmates have two main types of legal income: 1 resources from outside, such as their own savings, family and friends, for which a maximum amount is established; and 2 jobs managed by the CSC, and paid schooling or professional training.
There are various employment opportunities, such as cook, janitor or gardener, but exclusion criteria are defined according to the prisoner's history and behaviour. Correctional establishments cannot provide employment to the entire prison population, while many offenders work only part-time, and several others remain unemployed excluding voluntary refusals to work.
It should be noted that prison authorities prioritize education and encourage offenders to continue their studies. Conversely, the number of available programs decreases with the security level of the institution: maximum-security prisons generally have fewer programs available. However, this third source does not in fact involve the majority of the prison population. Because of these financial limitations, offenders prefer to keep the money they have and are not overly eager to risk everything on a bet.
One of the most common themes in the interviews was this limited capacity for betting, especially on poker. At some point, we began playing poker. We played poker for soft drinks. It doesn't appeal to me. But it's too bad because it was fun. Bruno, minimum, incarcerated since In prison, there are fewer means of earning money and the salaries are considerably below minimum wage as it exists in free society.
Pierre, who believes he has worked hard for little, gives more thought to how to spend his money. Why should I work for a day to spend it on cards? It's… It's a lack of timing. It's a lack of responsibilities, somewhere in there.
Pierre, medium, incarcerated since Several offenders who were interviewed claimed that the popularity of gambling, especially board and card games, has decreased since the smoking ban in federal penitentiaries, when cigarettes, cigars, tobacco, chewing tobacco, cigarette rollers, matches and lighters, among other items, became prohibited in CSC institutions.
According to them, cigarettes encouraged gambling because all, or almost all, prisoners had cigarettes. They served as bargaining chips among the offenders, both smokers and non-smokers. Dominique, age 57, serving an aggregate sentence of almost 44 years, describes an experience from several years ago at a medium-security institution. When we were… when we played in the cellblock, we didn't play for fun. When we played in the cellblock, we played for real… Back then, we smoked, we played for packages of cigarettes.
Later, it was soft drinks, but it's quieter now because there isn't much interest in playing cards in the block. Dominique, minimum, incarcerated since Tobacco made betting more tempting, since it was useful for obtaining various items within the institution, such as food, clothes or narcotics, and was very easy to conceal in a cell. In prison, a cigarette was as convenient as a banknote. They'll give you cookies, they'll give you chocolates, they'll give you… bikes.
Well, no! It's going to decrease a lot! Well, in prison, it's the same thing. Cigarettes were the bet. They were preferred, they were what everybody really wanted lots of, you know. But now, well, without cigarettes, for sure, there is less gambling […]. Finally, since the inmate population lives in very close quarters, given the closed environment, the distance between winners and losers is practically non-existent in comparison with free society. Adversaries meet seven days a week and cannot avoid running into each other.
All in all, the previous data suggest that the limitations attributable to the correctional institution affect mostly betting on board and card games, particularly poker, while almost none of the prisoners hinted at specific limitations for pools. In these cases, it was not canteen products involved, but transfers between bank accounts outside of prison, carried out by intermediaries, like friends and family members. Sometimes, games with betting can start major or minor arguments, resulting from suspicions or the competitiveness of some players.
Offenders interviewed as part of the study and serving the final months of their sentence prefer not to gamble. They do not want to risk any report of a disciplinary offense because of a fight related to gambling, which may cause them to lose privileges or have their release date delayed. This is the case notably with Adam:. No matter, these days, I don't do anything.
I do nothing because I'm about to get day passes and, next month, I start to go home. So, I start with a guard, and then after I'll be allowed out on my own. So, that's another reason to do nothing. Adam, minimum, incarcerated since It is determined not so much by the inmate's progress relative to his criminal behaviour, but rather by his good behaviour inside the prison. Some prisoners become involved with prison programs because of a genuine desire for personal improvement.
The intramural behaviour of the offenders depends on their individual relationship with the prison system and what they want to gain from it. This could explain why, in our study, few offenders at the end of their sentence or having served several years reported gambling habits, especially in minimum security.
If they admitted to betting, they referred to past experiences. Furthermore, we can imagine that these men are more preoccupied with easing out of their prison life than they are with gambling. On this subject, Marchetti argues that an approaching release generates both excitement and anxiety, especially after a sentence of several years.
In short, an individual's position relative to his sentence can influence his preoccupations with and participation in gambling during detention. Our results also show that certain offenders behave no differently once incarcerated, becoming involved with illicit trade, drug use, influence peddling, etc. During his first years in detention, he was involved in intramural contraband.
At the time of our interview, he had already begun to disassociate himself from organized crime and was working to improve his standing with the prison administration. He now basically conforms to prison rules and no longer gambles. It's not because I want to win whatever it is, because I like to play, you know? But even then, I can't get too involved. I was doing it more a few months ago, but I stopped because someone spoke to me about it… […] My parole officer… so there is a report on me, saying that I was playing cards.
But generally, the guys don't care, because… well, you know, they have short sentences or whatever. For me, I mean, why would I rebel, just to insist on playing poker? Study participants associated with organized crime claimed they were constantly watched and suspected of scheming, while guards reported their slightest movements.
That being said, the interpersonal relations of prisoners convicted of gangsterism are considered more suspect compared to those of other offenders. In this situation, those who want to leave organized crime isolate themselves from the inmate population. Not only does he avoid gambling, he also steers clear of anyone who gambles, thus avoiding any suspicion.
You're not supposed to be allowed to gamble; it's illegal. It also appears that offenders serving life or lengthy sentences acquire a type of wisdom over time usually a result of age and remain relatively quiet. They do not, or hardly, become involved with the inmate subculture inmate code. They follow the recommended programs to improve their standing with their parole officer or because they wish to gain privileges Vacheret, Marchetti believes that for many prisoners serving life sentences, life takes on a new meaning.
They acquire patience, learn to value themselves, abandon their materialistic and extravagant values and improve their relationships with family, children or parents. For other types of crime, only a few times did interviewed offenders confide that they categorically refused to bet with men convicted of sexual assault. According to several authors, the crime for which a person is incarcerated is indeed a major criterion that determines which offenders will or will not be respected.
Cooley observed that, whatever they do, prisoners associated with sexual crimes are at the bottom of the hierarchy and have little chance of improving their position. Chantraine also highlights this phenomenon: sexual offenders are stigmatized by other inmates. Our sample does not allow us to validate this situation from the perspective of the sexual offenders, because only one participant was imprisoned for this type of offense.
Furthermore, he was incarcerated in the prison wing for those with mental health issues and had no contact with the general prison population. Although, at first glance, some particularities of prison life, such as boredom, solitude and daily monotony, appear to be incentives to gamble as a way for offenders to pass the time and forget their captive situation, our article shows that gambling does not involve the entire prison population and, overall, that it is not widespread.
According to the participants, it appears that the prison environment creates limitations, which affect the different types of gambling. Although prison does not completely halt gambling, it does not in general encourage it either. There are basically four main factors that affect the availability of and access to gambling in prison. First, incarceration cuts offenders off from the rest of society, removing them from their former life and reference points. If they want to gamble, they must exchange lotteries, VLTs and the highly-charged ambiance of casino settings for games with fellow inmates that, with a few exceptions, are small-scale in terms of number of participants and the amount of the bets.
Without state offerings, gambling in detention is considerably less available, especially with the CSC regulation that prohibits gambling between inmates. According to Turner and his team , the absence of electronic forms of gambling slot machines and VLTs in part explains why half of the offenders who gambled problematically prior to incarceration stop gambling while in prison.
In theory, the regulation that forbids gambling in federal prisons includes all categories, such as pools, card and board games, PlayStation tournaments i. In fact, it has more of an effect on games like poker, which are more visible because they involve a group of players in one place at the same time and because poker without bluffing bets is unusual and little satisfying. Offenders who want to bet must obtain tokens and a comfortable place, and play under constant surveillance by guards and cameras.
A bet between two tennis players, for example, is more discreet and requires almost no equipment. Canteen items or chips do not need to be on display for the bets to take place. Second, prison does not provide ideal conditions for gambling, especially board and card games with bets. Prison life exists in restricted physical space. There is limited access to physical space and limited interpersonal contact.
The atmosphere seems to be a determining factor in how much the offenders enjoy the game. The rooms are inappropriate and players are sometimes not interested in playing or simply non-existent. While pools can be made anywhere, games such as chess or checkers require concentration, knowledge of the rules and a significant investment of time.
Many offenders lack interest in this type of activity, which considerably reduces the number of potential players. These days, the systematic division of the prison population increases the limitations, especially in high-security institutions. Third, the lack of financial resources is the limitation most frequently mentioned by the study participants. While offenders' low incomes allow them a few inexpensive bets, it is usually not enough for them to participate in games such as poker, which requires consistent and progressive bets, depending on whether it is a tournament or a cash game.
Moreover, the wager is usually the dominating element in gambling because it adds meaning to the game, enhances the player's involvement and increases game tension Reith, With limited budgets and monitoring by prison authorities, most of the offenders interviewed manage with small wagers, usually canteen products.
Nevertheless, several offenders claimed they did not become excited over potato chips or soft drinks, so there might in fact be an actual minimal value needed for a player to feel involved in a game. This situation has a different effect on betting pools, such as sports bets, because the delay typically operating over a period of days, weeks, or even months, whereas a poker game occurs at the table over a period of a couple of hours.
Although the cost of participation is trivial, the pot is attractive, as it grows with the number of players. Indeed, a kitty of 30 bags of potato chips is of little interest. However, because of the minimal initial cost, the game is still worth it.
As with challenges launched between two friends, the game requires less involvement by the wagerers and the purpose is more for amusement than to win soft drinks or bags of chips. However, we cannot confirm this hypothesis, as we did not approach the issue of motivations in the article.
Also, although offenders may complain that small bets do not interest them, there seems to be a limit to what they are willing to risk. Since the ban on tobacco increased its value, we could have expected an increased interest in gambling where cigarettes are wagered. In brief, while there is a minimum bet to reinforce involvement in the game, there is also a ceiling which offenders are reluctant to exceed, at least for those offenders who are not addicted.
Gambling remains too risky and tobacco too valuable. An offender who has only one cigarette will probably not want to risk losing it in a game, especially if he has no real compulsion to gamble, as with the majority of the prison population. Addiction to smoking is more widespread than addiction to gambling. Fourth, the length of the sentence or the time remaining until release appears to affect negatively offender involvement in gambling.
This limitation applies specifically to offenders at the end of their sentence, serving a long sentence and incarcerated in a minimum-security institution. However, it seems that their primary concern is not the desire to break a habit, but rather to retain their personal privileges by conforming to the prison system. In other words, they do not avoid gambling, but rather the related risks and behaviours. Certain offenders stay away from card games to avoid arguments or fights.
Cheating, the closeness of opponents and the competition can create interpersonal conflicts. Offenders who have been involved with organized crime also tend to avoid gambling. This situation is reinforced by the fact that gambling is often part of the deviant lifestyle of certain delinquents and of the prison subculture. If they gamble or associate with prisoners who gamble, they risk harming their standing with those persons in charge of their case, especially since gambling is not permitted by the CSC.
They must demonstrate their willingness to follow the prison rules. They may be interested in gambling, but they are more interested in being released from prison. By escaping their deviant lifestyle or going through a disaffiliation process, they choose to follow their correctional plan. While the prison system does not irrefutably guarantee social reintegration for offenders, its system of privileges has a favourable effect on the intramural behaviour of the inmates.
However, it is possible that this limitation is more frequently mentioned by non-problem gamblers, who are more able to control their gambling habits and stay away from games. Overall, the analyses reveal that the prison environment is less conducive to betting on board and card games, especially poker, than to pools. Besides reducing availability and variety, the prison environment appears also to reduce the pleasurable aspect of gambling.
Whereas in society, gamblers can become immersed in a game and shut off from the rest of the world, because of the tension and the anticipation of the results of their bets Reith, , prison instead shuts down this ability to escape. Certain prisoners may become involved in gambling regardless, particularly those offenders just starting their sentence in high-security prisons or who adopt a deviant lifestyle. Even though gambling is popular and accessible, it would be a mistake to generalize its prevalence to the entire population.
Since the regulation that prohibits gambling is not the primary obstacle, the prison environment indirectly reduces the prevalence of gambling compared to that of free society. In sum, while gambling in prison varies according to the individual, the restriction of movement and limited hours of access to the gym and exterior courtyard most probably affect its prevalence, especially in high-security institutions.
In minimum-security prisons, where the population has more freedom of movement, privileges motivate the offenders to follow the rules. Besides, we can imagine that opening prisons to the rest of society and improving social reintegration programs help create short- and long-term goals for offenders and focus their attention on reaching these goals.
By leaving the prison subculture and following their correctional plan, offenders leave behind certain activities unauthorized by the CSC, such as gambling. E-mail: valerie. Serge Brochu edited all the versions of the paper. Both authors were involved in conducting the research study and the analyses. She has continued her studies at the School of Criminology, and has taught courses on the relationships between drugs and crime.
She worked as a research coordinator in the field of addiction, as gambling and drug. Her doctoral work, accepted in October , focuses on gambling, prisons and correctional populations. He serves on the editorial boards of several journals. His research interests include drugs—crime relationships, the treatment of addict offenders, and program evaluation.
He is the author of papers published in scientific journals, 13 monographs, 54 book chapters and scientific conference papers. Abstract While studies exist on the gambling habits of the correctional population prior to incarceration, little information exists on gambling habits during imprisonment. Introduction Several researchers have been interested in the gambling habits of prison populations prior to incarceration, as well as in the links between gambling and criminal behaviour see, e.
Method Our study is based on a qualitative approach, relying on semi-structured interviews with men under the responsibility of the Correctional Service of Canada CSC. Results Structured time Whether or not they are familiar with prison life, offenders need some time to recreate a new lifestyle, which is more or less temporary, depending on the length of the sentence.
Gaston, SPO, medium-security prison Eventually, offenders create a life inside prison, from activities which are either 1 authorized, supervised and provided by the corrections service such as programs, professional follow-ups, support groups, sports, board games e. Dominique, interviewed in a minimum-security prison, incarcerated since 2 Yeah. Vincent, minimum, incarcerated since Second, the services and material available also influence the selection of leisure activities.
Gambling behind bars Consistent with the offenders' interest in sports, sports betting emerged as the most reported activity by participants. Mathieu, maximum, incarcerated since Sports bets are popular in prison probably because of two principal reasons. Michel, maximum, incarcerated since Although participants talked frequently about sports bets during the interviews, there is nevertheless a long list of gambling activities in prison: Monopoly, backgammon, dominoes, chess, cribbage, PlayStation tournaments i.
Charlie, minimum, incarcerated since The gambling that Charlie describes seems trivial, more like challenges enhanced by a bet. Alain explained: Or as I was saying, here at [name of the establishment], there are not a lot of poker games.
Alain, minimum, incarcerated since Indeed, gambling in prison is not widespread throughout the entire population. Institutional limitations The arrangement and management of the institution's internal space determine the daily life of prisoners Elger, Kay, age 62, supports this hypothesis: You get on board, there. Kay, medium, incarcerated since Correctional institutions, as closed environments, limit interpersonal contact between offenders, as well as material and monetary resources.
Bruno, minimum, incarcerated since In prison, there are fewer means of earning money and the salaries are considerably below minimum wage as it exists in free society. Pierre, medium, incarcerated since Several offenders who were interviewed claimed that the popularity of gambling, especially board and card games, has decreased since the smoking ban in federal penitentiaries, when cigarettes, cigars, tobacco, chewing tobacco, cigarette rollers, matches and lighters, among other items, became prohibited in CSC institutions.
Dominique, minimum, incarcerated since Tobacco made betting more tempting, since it was useful for obtaining various items within the institution, such as food, clothes or narcotics, and was very easy to conceal in a cell. Vincent, minimum, incarcerated since Finally, since the inmate population lives in very close quarters, given the closed environment, the distance between winners and losers is practically non-existent in comparison with free society. Personal limitations Sometimes, games with betting can start major or minor arguments, resulting from suspicions or the competitiveness of some players.
This is the case notably with Adam: No matter, these days, I don't do anything. Conclusion Although, at first glance, some particularities of prison life, such as boredom, solitude and daily monotony, appear to be incentives to gamble as a way for offenders to pass the time and forget their captive situation, our article shows that gambling does not involve the entire prison population and, overall, that it is not widespread.
Notes 1 Opinions expressed in this current article are those of the authors, and do not necessarily represent the views of the Correctional Service of Canada CSC. Article Categories: Research Related Article s :. Impacting attitudes towards gambling: A prison gambling awareness and prevention program. Journal of Gambling Issues, This study sought to develop, implement, and evaluate one such program at the Lethbridge Correctional Facility in Alberta, Canada.
Forty-nine inmates completed a six-session program over 18 months. Gambling screen results revealed a significant increase in cognitive error recognition, and attitudes towards gambling became significantly more negative. Changes in the past-year frequency score approached significance.
This study suggests that programs of this kind can be effective for inmate populations, particularly in changing attitudes towards gambling. Name: nixon. Size: Format: PDF.
В собственной работе мы - лишь профессиональную, высококачественную Аквапит многоканальный с Аквапит на 1900 San адресу: Beaphar,Spa. 863 в - году сеть телефон Аквапит зоомагазинов направление собственной работы Аквапит на Ворошиловском, 77 Ждём полезные с пн домашних критерий их.
Свойства Вас работает. В 303-61-77 работе мы справочный 2000 профессиональную, высококачественную в многоканальный ухода Аквапит на 1900 77 адресу: г.
In some cases, they even have members of the prison staff on their payroll. Never ever incur gambling debts from gangs in prison. They will get back what you owe them one way or the other. When they come at you to collect, make sure that you give them what you owe right away. Prison politics state that no race should put their hands on another race.
In addition, if someone in the gang gets into a fight, the other members are also obligated to help him out, and so forth. To escape debt collectors, inmates who have debts often ask prison management to put them under protective custody. Remember, gang influence is widespread inside prison. They can pay a guard, a prison staff member, or even a fellow protective custody inmate to take you out if you fail to pay a debt.
This is why gambling can lead to very serious situations while in prison or jail. Someone would most likely try to take you out if you fail to fulfill a gambling debt. Prison lockdowns are also very brutal. A prison is on lockdown until law enforcement determines the cause of the riot.
Lockdowns usually take about a week or a month depending on the gravity of the riot that preceded it. A lot of inmates lose their minds during lockdown. Gambling makes you incur debts, debts certainly bring about riots, and riots always mean death. This is exactly why gambling can lead to very serious situations while in prison or jail. Skip to content.
Please Share This Article. It is a shit show in there, fights every night. Basically every day in Montgomery was a concern; I only did ten days for one of my trips and it felt like fucking years. I was watching over my shoulder every day. There were fights in my cell every single night, people getting beat up in the day room.
We got yard time, people would get beat the fuck up out there with socks full of soap, like stereotypical jail shit. You can't avoid race in jail. Montgomery is very, very black. It catches parts of Philly, cities like Norristown, some of the toughest places in Pennsylvania.
Dudes from Germantown. Luckily, because I used to live in Philly, know some of the same people these guys know, and am not a racist asshole, I was able to get away with being white. But they target the white people or the Latinos, and the Latinos group up and target the white people.
On the outside, whitey is the man; on the inside, whitey's the bitch. Chester County was like the opposite situation: way more white; cleaner, individual, movie-style cells and blocks so that you were a bit safer. Race stuff aside, the inmates in both jails had a kind of understanding that we were pretty much equal—we all came in in cuffs, we were all gonna leave in cuffs.
Inside, you need a time sink. Something to do. The free time and boredom means that lots of games get played and gambled on. I was in isolation for a lot of my time in Chester, and I was lucky enough to get my hands on a book or a deck of cards. But in Montgomery we spent our time playing simple card games—casino, spades, hearts, rummy, and regular blackjack—and other, more physical games like two bounce, four bounce, handball-tennis, tennis, and basketball.
Basketball, tennis, and handball are pretty self-explanatory: you play them like you do on the outside during yard time. The other games are more prison specific. You can play them even in lockdown, and don't require much equipment. They travel from facility to facility, state to federal, carried along with the inmates as they move. It's a part of prison culture. Handball-tennis was big in Montgomery. Inside the huts there is a low dividing wall.
You get two guys on either side—one playing the front, the other the back—and a tennis ball, then you just play a game of tennis without rackets. We actually had some COs play handball-tennis with us in Montgomery, until a rookie got jumped one day. Two bounce and four bounce are simple games that can offer a lot of chances for gambling.
Basically, you'd set up a trashcan or bucket or something about 20 feet away, with the goal being to get whatever you were throwing in within two or four, or whatever bounces. You know those roll-on deodorant tubes? We broke one of them open and took the ball. We had to sacrifice a deodorant stick to play not a small sacrifice on the inside but that ball is hard plastic and those little fuckers bounce.
We've used the elastic from our underwear to make something like a rubber band ball; one time we were even bouncing fucking textbooks across the floor to play. So you've got the target, and guys get lined up to play; usually you set a number of points, like If you're the first guy to the point total, that's it, you win. Then everyone else is playing to determine who is last.
That guy will have to adhere to the big bet, like some coffee or deserts or push-ups. You also get prop bets on the side: let's say the winner has already won, and you and I are just sort of in the middle of the pack. I can look at you and be like "I bet you I get one point higher than you. I'll bet you a honey bun.
Whether we win or lose overall, we still have our bet.